Purpose of the study: Everyone wants to age successfully; however, the definition and criteria of successful aging remain vague for laypersons, researchers, and policymakers in spite of decades of research on the topic. This paper highlights work of scholars who made significant theoretical contributions to the topic.
We hope that this Consensus Statement will provide all probiotic stakeholders, including consumers, researchers, health-care professionals, industry and legislators, with clearer guidelines for defining and using probiotics, which we believe to be potentially important interventions for improved health and wellbeing. Throughout this paper, we use the term 'probiotic framework' to refer to all aspects of the probiotic field, including: scientific investigation and clinical research; regulatory involvement in safety, health benefit claims and research; industry activities including production, marketing, product claims and sales; and communication with the consumer. Moreover, we propose a set of benchmark standards for the differentiation of probiotic products based upon levels of scientific evidence. Panel recommendations are listed in Box 1.
the defining decade epub to 14
While until recently the interest in health literacy was mainly concentrated in the United States and Canada, it has become more internationalized over the past decade [20]. Research on health literacy has taken place in e.g. Australia [21, 22], Korea [23], Japan [24], the UK [25], the Netherlands [26], and Switzerland [27]. Although the EU produced less than a third of the global research on health literacy between 1991 and 2005 [28, 29], the importance of the issue is increasingly recognized in European health policies. As a case in point, health literacy is explicitly mentioned as an area of priority action in the European Commission's Health Strategy 2008-2013 [30]. It is linked to the core value of citizen empowerment, and the priority actions proposed by the European Commission include the promotion of health literacy programs for different age groups.
The distinction between medical and public health literacy [35] is reflected in the identification of different dimensions. Within the definition of health literacy as individual capacities, the Institute of Medicine [8] consider cultural and conceptual knowledge, listening, speaking, arithmetical, writing, and reading skills as the main components of health literacy. Speros [48] also identifies reading and numeracy skills as the defining attributes, but adds comprehension, the capacity to use health information in decision making, and successful functioning in the role of healthcare consumer as dimensions. Baker [49] divides health literacy into health related print literacy and health related oral literacy, while Paashe-Orlow and Wolf [40] distinguish between listening, verbal fluency, memory span and navigation. Lee et al. [47] identify four interrelated factors: (1) disease and self-care knowledge; (2) health risk behavior; (3) preventive care and physician visits; and (4) compliance with medication. While these defining elements of health literacy vary considerably they all concern cognitive capabilities, skills and behaviors which reflect an individual's capacity to function in the role of a patient within the healthcare system.
The above principle, as it was then stated and as it is still taught by the Church, diverges radically from the programme of collectivism as proclaimed by Marxism and put into pratice in various countries in the decades following the time of Leo XIII's Encyclical. At the same time it differs from the programme of capitalism practised by liberalism and by the political systems inspired by it. In the latter case, the difference consists in the way the right to ownership or property is understood. Christian tradition has never upheld this right as absolute and untouchable. On the contrary, it has always understood this right within the broader context of the right common to all to use the goods of the whole of creation: the right to private property is subordinated to the right to common use, to the fact that goods are meant for everyone.
Furthermore, in the Church's teaching, ownership has never been understood in a way that could constitute grounds for social conflict in labour. As mentioned above, property is acquired first of all through work in order that it may serve work. This concerns in a special way ownership of the means of production. Isolating these means as a separate property in order to set it up in the form of "capital" in opposition to "labour"-and even to practise exploitation of labour-is contrary to the very nature of these means and their possession. They cannot be possessed against labour, they cannot even be possessed for possession's sake, because the only legitimate title to their possession- whether in the form of private ownerhip or in the form of public or collective ownership-is that they should serve labour, and thus, by serving labour, that they should make possible the achievement of the first principle of this order, namely, the universal destination of goods and the right to common use of them. From this point of view, therefore, in consideration of human labour and of common access to the goods meant for man, one cannot exclude the socialization, in suitable conditions, of certain means of production. In the course of the decades since the publication of the Encyclical Rerum Novarum, the Church's teaching has always recalled all these principles, going back to the arguments formulated in a much older tradition, for example, the well-known arguments of the Summa Theologiae of Saint Thomas Aquinas22.
After outlining the important role that concern for providing employment for all workers plays in safeguarding respect for the inalienable rights of man in view of his work, it is worthwhile taking a closer look at these rights, which in the final analysis are formed within the relationship between worker and direct employer. All that has been said above on the subject of the indirect employer is aimed at defining these relationships more exactly, by showing the many forms of conditioning within which these relationships are indirectly formed. This consideration does not however have a purely descriptive purpose; it is not a brief treatise on economics or politics. It is a matter of highlighting the deontological and moral aspect. The key problem of social ethics in this case is that of just remuneration for work done. In the context of the present there is no more important way for securing a just relationship between the worker and the employer than that constituted by remuneration for work. Whether the work is done in a system of private ownership of the means of production or in a system where ownership has undergone a certain "socialization", the relationship between the employer (first and foremost the direct employer) and the worker is resolved on the basis of the wage, that is through just remuneration for work done.
Since the release of these reports, there has been a proliferation of family-based interventions to prevent and treat childhood obesity as documented in at least five published reviews of this literature in the past decade [20,21,22,23,24]. While these reviews convey extensive information around intervention effectiveness, they cannot reveal gaps in the knowledge base. Quantitative content analysis [25,26,27] can be used to code intervention and participant characteristics, and a review of the resulting data can reveal areas and populations receiving a great deal of attention, as well as those where few or no studies exist, thereby highlighting knowledge gaps. With a focus on childhood obesity interventions, pertinent questions to address include: whether interventions have continued to focus primarily on diet and physical activity, neglecting the more recently established predictors of media use and sleep [28,29,30]; whether some behaviors are more likely to be targeted among certain age groups or settings than others; and whether there are gaps with regard to the populations targeted by interventions to date, in particular, the representation of vulnerable populations (e.g. families living in developing countries, those of low socioeconomic status, racial and ethnic minorities, immigrants, and non-traditional families) [2, 31,32,33,34,35,36,37]. In addition to ethical reasons, from a pragmatic viewpoint, it is difficult to identify best practices to prevent childhood obesity in vulnerable populations when few interventions have focused on that population [38, 39].
However, FGM is a human rights issue that affects girls and women worldwide. Evidence suggests that FGM exists in places including Colombia[2], India[3], Malaysia[4], Oman[5], Saudi Arabia[6] and the United Arab Emirates[7], with large variations in terms of the type performed, circumstances surrounding the practice and size of the affected population groups. In these contexts, however, the available evidence comes from (sometimes outdated) small-scale studies or anecdotal accounts, and there are no representative data as yet on prevalence. The practice is also found in pockets of Europe and in Australia and North America which, for the last several decades, have been destinations for migrants from countries where the practice still occurs[8].
Overall, the practice of FGM has been declining over the last three decades. In the 31 countries with nationally representative prevalence data, around 1 in 3 girls aged 15 to 19 today have undergone the practice versus 1 in 2 in the 1990s. However, not all countries have made progress and the pace of decline has been uneven. Fast decline among girls aged 15 to 19 has occurred across countries with varying levels of FGM prevalence including Burkina Faso, Egypt, Kenya, Liberia and Togo.
The panel stressed the importance of progress in the field, as ageing is the primary risk factor of many major human diseases. It was highlighted that increasing average lifespan over the last decades is one of the most remarkable human accomplishments, but that this success has led to a different, challenging problem, namely the ever-increasing number of chronically ill patients suffering from age-related diseases, and the resulting toll on individuals and society. Understanding the mechanisms of the ageing process will therefore be pivotal to treat the root cause of multiple age-related diseases. 2ff7e9595c
Commentaires